Burden of too many polls: Political appetite, not hedging, is answer

Even before the hangover of the Uttar Pradesh series could clear, electoral churning has become visible in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, both scheduled to go to polls by the end of the year. Elections to the high offices of President and Vice-President will fill the middle space.

The non-stop cycle of general elections has provoked a stream of counter-points culminating in the catchy call of ‘One Nation, One Election‘. Besides Prime Minister Narendra Modi and former President Pranab Mukherjee, key institutions like the Parliamentary Standing Committee, Election Commission, Law Commission and Niti Aayog have seen merit in the case.

Nothing unprecedented

‘One Election’ is euphemism for simultaneous or synchronised elections in which voters can exercise their separate choices for both Assembly and Lok Sabha polls in one outing. During the summer of 2019, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim voted this way. Election to Panchayats and Municipalities is outside the ambit of discussion, being a state subject.

Independent India began its adventure of universal adult franchise in 1951-52, with the Lok Sabha and state Assembly elections held simultaneously. This continued till exigencies cropped up after 1967. Some assemblies were pre-maturely dissolved; later the Lok Sabha met the same fate, which meant that the Houses had to be constituted at different timings. Creation of new states added to the necessity. That’s how unfolded ‘one nation, many elections’.

When elections take over

Once the model code kicks in, it is the administrative machinery, more than the political parties, which is wary of falling on the wrong side of the code. Policy, projects and welfare schemes get largely frozen till the election process is completed. Decisions preceding elections tend to be politically safe rather than transformative, leading to a governance deficit .

No amount of code, however, prevents the toxin that is allowed to flow in the no holds barred efforts in our first past the post system. Votes stored in vaults of caste, religion, inducements and freebies are unlocked with impunity. These pathogens find their season to inundate India’s body politic around elections.

According to an ECI report, 1,349 companies of the central armed police forces were deployed during the 2014 general election. The demand for more central force, whose core mandate is internal security, is on the rise, matching with inter-party distrust. Many of the 1 crore personnel deputed in a national election are teachers and civil servants, while schools and departments cry about staff shortage.

Elections are festivals of democracy only if they come once in a while. Repeated elections can cause voter fatigue and affect turnout, which was seen stagnating during the last five elections. Ordinary people may find it a prolonged agony to live with avoidable hordes of political activists and their bloated events.

Costs: Overt and Covert

Indian election is not only among the largest events, it is expensive too. The cost to the exchequer for conducting the 2014 general election is stated to be Rs 3,870 crore. Combined elections could optimise public funds and the burden shared between the Centre and states could significantly come down.

Government spend is only the tip of the iceberg. In their desperation to win, candidates tend to spend much more than the prescribed ceiling. Political parties, unrestricted by any ceiling, can resort to lavish campaigning. Unofficial estimates suggest an expenditure exceeding Rs 30,000 crore was incurred by political parties and candidates in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls. The exaggerated spend in elections, mostly unreported, has a natural nexus with black money and corruption, and frequent elections make this durable and deep.

No Advantage to Any

A valid anxiety, more understandable when coming from state and local groups, is that in combined polls, a central narrative could overwhelm marginal aspirations and take it all, thus hurting the federal-essence of democracy. This is too simplistic an assumption. Data, of course, suggests that in simultaneous elections, people tend to press both buttons for the same party, but not always, and not necessarily for national outfits. Odisha offers few interesting pointers. In 2014, regional preference clearly influenced national choice in the state. The 2019 verdict, however, suggested that voters can vote differently for national and state polls even while voting together.

Miles to Go

There are stiff constitutional, legal and logistic terrains to cover on way to simultaneous polls. The ECI has exuded necessary confidence regarding mobilisation and management. The Election Laws Amendment Act, 2021, which aims to have a cleaner and updated electoral roll by availing the Adhaar system and effecting quarterly registration of voters is a step in the right direction.

The larger task is parliamentary and political. A whole basket of constitutional provisions and statutes that deal with duration and dissolution of the Lok Sabha and state Assemblies and parts of the Representation of the People Act will need change. Extension or curtailing of Assembly tenures may become a necessity, and imaginative provisions are needed to pre-empt possible political disruptions mid way. A call has to be taken either for one shot synchronisation or a phased one to reduce the shock of transition.

Get All on Page

Simultaneous elections will require an unbiased and liberal understanding, after decoupling the issue from politics. One odd call from a pulpit may not suffice. Mobilisation of political will needs to be accompanied by give and take and there may be some historic sacrifices. A clearly laid out path with identified milestones will in itself be an achievement, considering the complexity of the goal. For one election to be a reality, consensus is not only desirable, it is the only option.

(The author is former Director General of Election Commission of India)



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